Tuesday, October 29, 2019
Functional Roles of Managers Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 500 words
Functional Roles of Managers - Essay Example Autocratic approach. This is the type of style in which, a leader instructs employees of what is to be done without leaving a room for deliberations. It is criticized for being non-participatory but if well utilized it is a source of effectiveness in work Democratic approach. This is a consultative approach in which the leader involves the employees in making decisions. Although the leader has the final authority for decision making, it is usually a participatory style. It is a kind of leadership very popular amongst employees. Delegative approach. It is a style whereby employees are decision makers. It is appropriate when there are job situations needing analysis and therefore requiring employees to make contributions. It works well in cases when the leader has trust in the employees. In practice, there is no ââ¬Ëfit allââ¬â¢ style and good leaders, therefore, are required to employ all the above three styles depending on what particular situations demand. For instance, it is widely recommended that for new employees getting into the system, the authoritarian style works. The participative style is seen to be very efficient for teams whereby the leadership wishes to tap employeesââ¬â¢ expertise in solving some problems. Finally, the democratic style is applicable in situations requiring professional expertise and the assumption here is that everyone knows what is expected of them and are responsible enough to function without coercion. In deciding the right leadership style, (Shonk, James, 1992) suggested that a manager should always bear in mind the following; availability of time, organizational conflicts and the level of expertise amongst employees. Managers drive business and therefore are tasked with ensuring that set standards are adhered to by all employees. This involves guiding the entire organizations operations within the set operational limits. It is also the mandate of managers to make the right decisions which are in line with organizations objectives. Finally, managers are responsible for organizational behavior change and are required to guide the employeesââ¬â¢ in al interactions within the organization.
Sunday, October 27, 2019
Understanding The Concept Of Depression Sociology Essay
Understanding The Concept Of Depression Sociology Essay A comparison of the social constructs of emotion in Asian and Western cultures shows that Asians are more prone to experience depression and suicidal behaviors than are Westerners. Studies highlighting the cultural similarities and differences in display rules, the emotion regulation norms, and the physical and emotional expression of depression in these two cultures are cited to support this claim. The Basic Emotion, Component, Appraisal, and Neo-Jamesian theories show that only elements from each provide a complete explanation of why Asians are predisposed to depression because of culture. The Social Constructionist Theory offers a thorough explanation of this phenomenon. The problems and possible remedies facing Asian cultures and the heightened risk of depression among its members are also addressed. Culture and the Understanding of the Concept of Depression Through numerous studies on cultural relativism and cultural categorization of emotion, emotion is shown to be, to a degree, contingent on cultural factors such as display rules, social roles, and culturally determined appraisals. The interpretation of depression eliciting stimuli and situations and expression of depression, in particular, is also influenced by these cultural factors. Furthermore, the social constructionist view of depression makes it possible to compare the concept of depression in Western and Asian cultures. The contrast between the relatively individualistic nature of Western cultures and the collective nature of Asian cultures, and their associated norms for emotion regulation, may offer differing perspectives of depression and therefore help form a cultural observation of depression within the two cultures. The cultural display rules, socially learned performances, and emotion regulation norms that guide the interpretation of and behavioral responses to depressi on in these cultures reveal that Asians are more prone to depression and suicidal behaviors than are Westerners. Cultural differences between Western and Asian cultures in individualism-collectivism (I-C), a dimension of cultural variability, show a strong possibility that Asians are predisposed to more negative emotions than are Westerners. Individualistic cultures, most of which are Western, promote individual needs, wishes, desires, and values over group and collective ones (Matsumoto, 1990). Consequently, hierarchical differences in status or power are minimized while equality is emphasized (Matsumoto, 1990). In contrast, collective cultures, many of which are Asian, promote the opposite; they stress the needs of a group, individuals identify themselves as members of a group, and ones social role is defined by an entrenched system of hierarchical differences and vertical relationships (Matsumoto, 1990). The I-C difference is also related to the social distinction between ingroups and outgroups (Matsumoto, 190). Members of individualistic cultures tend to display more negative emotions to in group members and more positive emotions to outgroup members. Conversely, members of collective cultures tend to display more positive emotions to members of ingroups and more negative emotions to those of outgroups (Matsumoto, 1990). These display rules should predispose Asians to more negative emotions, which may result in depression, at least in the social interactions with outgroups. Power distance, another dimension of cultural variability, which refers to cultural differences in status and power, is positively correlated to cultures that are more individualistic and negatively correlated to those that are more collective. This dimension may already show that Asian cultures foster more opportunities for the occurrence or passive harboring of negative emotions, while Western cultures seem to dissipate many of these potential risks. The importance of equality and the needs of the individual in Western cultures may make it less likely for people to experience depression on a large, societal scale. On the other hand, the vertical relationships encapsulated in collective cultures may make it more likely for people to acknowledge their differences from one another and any perceived inadequacies with those higher in power and status may contribute to the occurrence of depression. A Japanese-American comparison study by Matsumoto (1990) explored the relationship between I-C and PD cultures and the display rules of the members of those cultures. The study was conducted in two sessions; the first measured display rules through the subjects judgment of the appropriateness of displaying emotions in different situations, and the second measured how they judged the intensity of the same emotions. The results of the experiment supported the views that Japanese display rules made it appropriate to show negative emotions to outgroups and lower-status others while American display rules allowed people to express negative emotions more openly in ingroups (Matsumoto, 1990). In addition, Americans rated happiness in public and to outgroups as more appropriate than did Japanese. The Japanese display rules, indicative to some degree of Asian cultural display rules at large, show that in order to foster ingroup harmony and maintain the hierarchical differences in power and st atus, people find negative emotions to be appropriate when interacting with outgroups and lower-status others but not with ingroups and higher-status others. These display rules may reveal that Asian cultures are less tolerant than Western cultures of negative emotions in ingroups, which discourages them to express and share their negative emotions with their ingroups. A further finding from Matsumotos study suggests that although Asians may be more likely to express negative emotions to outgroups, they mask their negative feelings in the presence of others (Matsumoto, 1990). Overall, Asian cultures seem to discourage any expression of negative emotions whether with ingroups, outgroups, or those of different status. Emotion regulation norms for Asian and Western cultures also demonstrate a greater likelihood for depression among Asians than among Westerners. Since emotion regulation refers to the ability to manage and modify ones emotional reactions in order to achieve a desirable outcome, it reflects the different ways that culture tries to achieve social order (Matsumoto, Yoo, Nakagawa, 2005). Two aspects of emotion regulation, reappraisal-the way individuals appraise an emotion-eliciting situation to change its impact on the emotion-and suppression-the inhibition of emotional expressive behavior-can be used to compare Asian and Western cultures. Individualistic cultures are associated with more reappraisal and less suppression because these cultures value emotions and free expression more than collective cultures, which are associated with less reappraisal and more suppression in order to maintain ingroup cohesion and harmony (Matsumoto et al., 2005). Studies have linked emotion regulation t o different types of adjustment. Individuals high in reappraisal and low in suppression experienced more positive and less negative emotions, were more open in sharing their emotions with others, had better social support, were less depressed, and reported higher self-esteem, optimism, and life satisfaction; in essence, reappraisal has been associated with positive outcomes and suppression with negative emotions (Matsumoto et al., 2005). These conclusions can also be applied to individuals from Asian and Western cultures at large-Asians may feel more negative emotions, have less social support, and be more depressed than Westerners. Although suppression has been associated with negative consequences on the individual level, a study by Matsumoto et al. (2005) shows that it may have positive consequences on the social level. Suppression may play an important cultural function in organizing and maintaining cultural systems and groups. Thus, the social order is preserved at the expense of the emotional well-being of the individual. Part of their study, which held data about country-level emotion regulation, reveals that emotion regulation is positively correlated with both positive and negative indices of adjustment (Matsumoto et al., 2005). In other words, while individualism may promote high levels of both positive and negative adjustment because it values free, uninhibited emotional expression, collectivism may promote only either positive or negative adjustment. Despite the fact that suppression in collective cultures may lead to greater social harmony and a high level of positive adjustment, individuals may sti ll experience negative consequences. Therefore, while Asian countries and cultures may report a relatively positive adjustment for society in general, individuals themselves may report negative adjustment. This phenomenon may very well show that Asians who suffer from depression are stifled by cultural emotion regulation norms from receiving psychological or emotional help and support. The Social Constructionist Theory has helped define the social constructs of Asian cultures that make Asians more prone not only to negative emotions but also to social anxiety, a precursor to depression. Cultural display rules, social roles, and emotion regulation norms have effectively contributed to the predisposition of Asians to be more passive, non-assertive, and anxious in interpersonal situations than Westerners (Okazaki, Liu, Minn, 2002). The results from a study that examined differences between Asian American and White American on a trait measure of social anxiety and self-reports of anxiety-related emotions during a 3-min social performance task indicated that Asian Americans reported more anxiety than White Americans (Okazaki et al., 2002). Their data also revealed that some differences among Asian Americans of various ethnicities in their levels of social anxiety are related to their levels of acculturation. If there are indeed significant differences among Asian Ameri cans depending on their level of acculturation to American culture, they would be due to whether Asian Americans still prescribe to Asian social constructs of emotion. Although Asian Americans reported more social anxiety, they did not behave in an observably different manner than White Americans during the anxiety-provoking social task (Okazaki et al., 2002). In light of the emotion regulation norms that guide behavioral responses, both Asian Americans and Asians may be less willing to express any type of strong emotions, positive or negative, in front of people. This observation may support the view that Asians are exposed to social rules that increase the likelihood for anxiety, and subsequently depression, because those same rules prevent them sharing their emotional burdens with others. This culturally embedded formula for Asians to experience more social anxiety than Westerners is reinforced by culturally relevant risk factors for suicidal behaviors among Asian American youths. Asian American youths are at greater risk for suicide than majority group youths (i.e. White Americans and African Americans) because they experience risk factors that every youth experiences such as antisocial behaviors, substance abuse, and lack of familial stability, and those related to acculturation to the majority culture such as discrimination, alienation, and identity confusion (Lau, Jernewall, Zane, Myers, 2002). Asian American youths who fail to acculturate properly and develop an adaptive ethnic identity are prone to maladjustment, which entails life dissatisfaction, low self-esteem, pessimism, and depression. It is primarily the parents of Asian American youths that confound their efforts to acculturate and thus contribute to stress and frustration (Lau et al., 2002). Acculturat ion stress and intergenerational acculturation conflicts have been identified as factors that influence suicidal behaviors among Asian youths in Great Britain (Lau et al., 2002). A struggle between Western cultural norms and Asian cultural values can be seen in the parent-child conflicts of Asian American youths. A medical record abstraction at a mental health outpatient clinic identified correlates of suicidal behaviors in a sample of 285 Asian American youths (Lau et al., 2002). The records pointed out that adolescents were at the greatest risk for suicidal behaviors and were more prone to depression than were younger children. Consequently, depression was a strong predictor of suicidality as well (Lau et al., 2002). The data showed that youths who were less acculturated and experienced high parent-child conflict were at significantly greater risk than youths who were more acculturated and had lower conflict. Interestingly, youths who were diagnosed as suicidal displayed a higher number of internalizing symptoms and fewer externalizing symptoms (Lau et al., 2002). Perhaps the cultural sanctions against expression of negative emotions and the Asian cultural tendency to portray mental disorders as shameful and the tendency to downplay such disorders as temporary emotional states that do not r equire treatment, medical or otherwise, contribute to the prevalence of suicidal behavior among Asian American youths (Lau et al., 2002). Asian Americans as a whole, including both youths and adults, have had their mental health needs neglected by United States federal mental health policies (Nagayama Hall, Yee, 2012). This neglect is perpetuated in part by the three myths about Asian Americans: they are a small group; they are a successful group and do not have any financial or cultural problems; and they do not experience mental health disparities (Nagayama Hall, Yee, 2012). Although many, especially White Americans and the government, see Asian Americans as the model minority, they are not by any means exempt from problems surrounding their social and cultural position in the United States. The first myth is debunked by data from the U.S. Bureau of the Census showing that Asian Americans are proportionally the fastest growing ethnic group in the U.S. The second myth can be disproven by the sheer fact that not all Asian Americans receive the same education and opportunities to advance in society. Some groups have l ess education, greater unemployment, and higher poverty than others (Nagayama Hall, Yee, 2012). Moreover, even Asian Americans who are successful by educational, employment, and income standards encounter problems associated with their ethnicity. The stress of acculturation contributes to the occurrence of mental health disorders such as depression and anxiety disorders. Their overall success in integrating with American culture belies the reality that many experience mental health disparities due to clashing cultural values and display rules; as a result, this conflict and the neglect of their mental health needs predispose them to an increased risk of depressive symptoms and behaviors and (Nagayama Hall, Yee, 2012). A specific look into the avoidance of mental therapy in South Korea further strengthens the argument that Asian cultures foster societies in which Asians are more likely to experience depression and less likely to seek help for it. Academic and corporate pressures contribute to an alarming rate of stress and suicide among South Koreans (Kim, Won, Liu, Liu, Kitanishi, 1997). Many Koreans, however, largely resisted Western psychotherapy for their growing anxieties, depression, and stress. The Buddhist and Confucian values that dictate much of South Korean society emphasize stoicism and modesty while subordinating individual problems and concerns to the good of society. In line with these ethics is preservation of face, or dignity for the family (Kim et al., 1997). If they do seek help, Koreans are compromising the dignity of their families by indirectly stating that they need mental therapy because their families are at fault. Koreans decide not to seek professional psychotherapy or c ounseling because the culture considers open expression of emotional problems as taboo. Thus, many Koreans forgo mental help and cope with their problems on their own (Kim et al., 1997). However, the suicide rate has doubled in Korea between 1999 and 2009 and it may continue to grow if Koreans do not seek therapy or some form of counseling to cope with depression and stress (Kim et al., 1997). The problem of depression in Korea is mirrored in other East Asian cultures perhaps because they all share the same cultural prohibition of expressing negative emotions to both ingroups and outgroups and the view that depression is not a serious mental health problem. A dangerous threat that can result from ignoring cases of depression and when individuals neglect or are incapable of seeking mental aid is a rising suicide rate. China, India, and Japan accounted for more than 40% of all world suicides in 2006 (Beautrais, 2006). Surprisingly then, although many Asian cultures believe that suicide is a source of personal and family shame, much of the worlds reported suicides occur in Asian countries. Problems of underreporting cases of suicides and suicide attempts such as inaccuracy of reports, prohibitions against the collection of suicide data, and the stigmatization of suicide make it difficult to assess the true numbers of suicides that occur in Asian countries. Nevertheless, limitations aside, there is still an alarming number of suicides that take place in Asian countries every year. As in Western countries, mental illness is strongly correlated with suicide in Asian countries (Beautrais, 2006). Indeed, many of the life stresses that cause dep ression-poverty and marital, family, and relationships problems-are equally shared by Asian and Western countries. However, some cultural, historical, and contextual features of suicidal behavior in Asia may show that life stresses may more often lead to suicide than in the West (Beautrais, 2006). The struggles of young rural families involving early marriage, low social status, and lack of personal autonomy; economic stresses for Asian businessmen who are pressured to work long hours and drink away their stress; and academic stresses for adolescents in Japan and Korea who compete for admission to prestigious schools may invariably lead to suicide. Not only do the societal conditions in which Asians live may engender more cases of depression and suicide, but also the social constructs of emotion particular to Asian cultures. While the Social Constructionist Theory argues that social roles, emotion regulation norms, and cultural display rules explain why Asians may be more prone to depression than Westerners, appraisal theories help highlight the role of appraisal as interpretations of emotion-eliciting situations in this phenomenon. Appraisal, which is involved in reappraisal in emotion regulation, is defined as the evaluation of an event. Appraisal, therefore, plays a significant role in emotion regulation because it allows an individual to interpret a situation as positive or negative, thereby influencing the emotion felt. Whereas in Asian cultures, appraisal is framed by values that promote embeddedness, power distance, and hierarchy, in Western cultures, appraisal is perceived through values that promote individualism, egalitarianism, and affective autonomy (Matsumoto et al., 2005). Asian cultures assess appraisal through the collective mind, or through the socially desirable outcomes of ingroup harm ony and maintenance of power distance. Therefore, Asians may tend to appraise situations as positive or negative depending on the goals of their societies. However, because Asians may appraise emotional situations under the context of social values, they may run the risk of both diminishing positive emotions and exaggerating the negative emotions for the individual. For example, if an Asian youth receives a relatively poor grade based on his parents standards, he may ignore the fact that although he did not please his parents, he scored the highest out of his class. Nonetheless, the youth appraises the situation negatively because he places the needs of the group (his family) ahead of his individual needs and concerns. In contrast, a Western youth may appraise the situation differently, seeing his performance as satisfactory and thereby feeling happier and less stressed. Appraisal theories are thus contingent on the social goals and values pertaining to culture. Component theories further elaborate how components that lead to depression occur more often in Asian cultures than in Western cultures. In addition to appraisal, subjective feeling, action readiness, expression, and instrumental behavior are all emotion components that help construct an emotion. Through Ortony and Turners conclusion that emotion components are dissociable elements and the results of the study by Okazaki et al., (2002), we can see that depression is caused by various components that by their own may not be indicative of the emotion. Asian cultures define these components in relation to social order and harmony, once again subordinating the needs and desires of the individual to those of society. Naturally, appraisals and behaviors that reflect restraint and inhibition of expressing negative emotions are more prevalent and readily used in Asian cultures. However, even if one were to experience components of depression, the full manifestation of the emotion may not occ ur because depression and other mental health disorders are looked down upon in Asian cultures (Beautrais, 2006). The individual would likely associate an experience of depression, despite having all the components that form depression, with a general negative emotion that can be overcome by sheer willpower or other non-professional therapy; in addition, the individual can choose to ignore one or several components of depression to deny that they are depressed. Unfortunately, component theories, like appraisal theories, do not offer a full explanation of why Asians may be predisposed to depression because they do not ensure the full manifestation of depression. The Basic Emotions Theory may support the universality of depression, but does not explain why or how Asians are more prone to experiencing it. The study on social-anxiety for Asian Americans and White Americans by Okazaki et al., (2002) showed that facial expression is not a primary or even reliable indicator of emotion. Likewise, another study exhibiting display rules in Japanese and American subjects showed that while the Japanese felt the same emotions as the Americans, they did not show negative emotions to strangers (Matsumoto, 1990). Facial expressions of emotion are but one part of socially defined components that generate an emotion. Depression is interpreted differently by Asian cultures than it is by Western cultures due to differing social values and roles (Beautrais, 2006). Moreover, the expression of depression is inevitably different for Asian cultures and Western cultures because of cultural display rules. In short, the Basic Emotions Theory merely states that depress ion exists, but not to what degree individuals in different cultures experience it. There is a link between the Neo-Jamesian Psychophysiological Perspective and a study by Arnault Kim (2008) that shows that Japanese and Korean women had higher somatic distress and depression than American women. The results of the study showed that there were certain somatic distress symptoms unique to depression among the Asian women: gastric and abdominal upset, weakness, dizziness, aches and pains, and palpitations (Arnault Kim, 2008). Through a comparison with American women, Japanese and Korean women were found to experience culturally-specific somatic symptoms. This finding supports the psychophysiological perspective that each emotion has its own pattern or signature of bodily changes. Therefore, according to this perspective, depression should also have its own unique signature of bodily changes. Although the study may support the claim that emotions are equivalent to physiological changes or can be purely defined by them, it also showed that the somatic symptoms felt by t he women were culturally-specific. American women would not be able to experience the same symptoms as the Asian women did, and they would probably not label their symptoms collectively as depression. Furthermore, the Japanese and Korean women used an idiom of distress used to describe their symptoms that highlighted the importance of cultural values and beliefs. The Social Constructionist Theory is, therefore, the best theory illustrating how Asians are more prone to depression and suicidal behaviors than are Westerners. It encompasses elements from the Appraisal theory, Component theory, Basic Emotions theory, and Neo-Jamesian Psychophysiological Perspective. Emotion components that form the emotion of depression are all influenced by the social norms of a particular culture. Asian cultures, which value embeddedness, power distance, and hierarchy, evaluate emotion components and somatic symptoms according to these cultural orientations. On the other hand, Western cultures evaluate emotion components and physiological symptoms according to individualism, egalitarianism, and affective autonomy. The culturally specific evaluations of Asian cultures increase the likelihood of people experiencing depression than in Western cultures. The downplay of negative emotions may also reveal that in Asian cultures, negative emotions are relatively hypo-co gnized concepts, emotion concepts that are not so thoroughly mapped out in a cultures emotion lexicon. Nonetheless, the expression of negative emotions is confounded and inhibited by a cultural reluctance to acknowledge that people have mental health problems. Socially learned performances, syndromes, and language all contribute to create a high disposition for depression in Asian cultures. While Asian and Western cultures seem to be the primary culture groups in the world, we can observe similar cultures such as that of the Utku if we focus on the more fundamental I-C dimension of cultural variability. The Utku society shares more values and traits with collective Asian cultures than with individualistic Western cultures. The Utku value ingroup harmony over individual needs and desires, which have the potential to disrupt society. Parents show affection to their children up until a certain age around 3 and 4 years old, in order to assimilate them into the larger social context of society (Briggs, 1970). Adults expect children to eventually abandon their childish, selfish ways and adopt a communal mindset of equal distribution of food and goods. In order to maintain their social harmony, the Utku try not to exhibit anger, which would be detrimental to the carefully monitored society by causing conflict and breaking relationship ties. In their efforts to avoid anger, they have effectively made it a hypo-cognized concept, indirectly doing away with one of the precursors to depression. Because none of the Utku claim to be angry and no one can observe any signs of anger, the Utku may not even experience depression. By eliminating not only anger but also negative emotions in general, the Utku may only perceive positive emotions. Unlike other collective cultures like Asian cultures, the Utku have a relatively limited and simple emotion vocabulary and thus may not even consider depression to be an emotion concept, much less experience it. While studies on cultural display rules and emotion regulation norms suggest that individuals in collective cultures are more prone to negative emotions, this does not seem to be the case for individuals in Utku society. The only possible instances where depression may have occurred, in Raigili and Saaraks sullen moods when their mother no longer carries them, do not guarantee that the children felt depression (Briggs, 1970). Even if they felt sadness, it would have been construed and interpreted through social values; they experience emotions through the context of their society. In essence, the Utku reveal one exception to the commonly held view that individuals in collective cultures are more prone to depression. The comparison of Asian and Western cultures and their disposition for depression brings up a problem of the immutability of culture. If Asians are truly more prone to depression because of culture, then how do we rectify this problem, if there even is a solution save the complete upheaval of deeply entrenched social norms and values? Even with the evidence citing that Asians experience more depression and are at greater risk of suicidal behaviors than are Westerners in America and in their native countries, the global rates of suicide in Asia seem to increase every year. The medical findings can be a starting point to influence government health, economic, and educational policies to change or perhaps sway cultural values. While the thought of completely or irreversibly altering a cultures values and beliefs is not only near impossible but controversial, government and public awareness of depression and suicide may help decline the rampant number of suicides that occur in Asia. Ther e is an important distinction to be made between countries and cultures-countries may comprise of one or several cultures, and conversely, a culture is not indicative of any countrys beliefs or values (Matsumoto et al., 2005). Changes in other dimensions like international politics have translated into changes in public sentiment and even cultural values. There is a great possibility for governments of collective cultures to perhaps assuage the dangers of emotion suppression and allow for more open and free expression of emotion. They can also try to establish medical and mental health institutions that allow people to meet with psychiatrists privately to prevent the patient from any associated familial or individual shame for having depression. The medical records of Asian American outpatient youths and U.S. mental health policies that neglect the special needs of Asian Americans can help direct attention to the increased likelihood among Asian Americans to feel depression. The transcultural study by Kim et al., (1997) showed that even Asian students have developed coping methods to deal with stressful events. Health reforms that pair Asian patients with those of same ethnicities may alleviate any barriers to full expression of emotion and provide a chance to better diagnose and remedy depressive symptoms among low acculturated Asian Americans or immigrants. An observation that American psychiatry should be more sensitive to the relationship between the mind/emotions and the body would also help assess and treat Asian patients who experience depression and stress (Arnault Kim, 2008). Programs to help Asian immigrants to become acculturated with American or Western culture may dissipate any tension between Asian values and Western values. Understanding of emotion concepts across Asian and Western cultures could also be more easily facilitated through these acculturation programs. These civil policies and other measures may make it easier for Asian Americans to adopt American or Western culture while at the same time not relinquishing their native Asian cultures. This process of integration would ensure that they do not lose their cultural identities but rather focus on the values and emotion constructs that promote emotional well-being and health. Although Western cultures seems to be a better culture in terms of emotional expression and general individual well-being, it is far from perfect and may even be worse than Asian cultures in maintaining social order. Cultures all share the desire for social order (Matsumoto et al., 2005). Western cultures seem to promote this relatively well by emphasizing individualism, egalitarianism, and affective autonomy. Individualism ensures that the needs of the individual are met and attention and care is given to the individual who has problems. Egalitarianism promotes the idea that everyone, regardless of any actual differences in power or status, sho
Friday, October 25, 2019
I Am a Conscientious Objector :: Example Personal Narratives
I Am a Conscientious Objector "I no longer wish to be a part of the military. I have come to the conclusion that war is not the answer to any of the world's problems. War is the failure of diplomacy and mindfulness." Those are the words that led to my current problems. Sometimes, in a momentary state of weakness I curse myself for uttering those words. I had joined the National Guard wanting to make the costs of college a little easier on myself, and that had grown into the belief that I was doing my patriotic duty--I was fighting for freedom and democracy, not only in my own country, but around the world. Now I have come to the conclusion that I erred in judgment. I believe that I allowed myself to be indoctrinated into a patriotic fantasyland where reality and illusion were intertwined to create a mythological belief in my country and my service. How did this drama begin? Some would say it began while I was growing up, surrounded by violent images in movies, video games, and the nightly news, and a certain stereotyping of what boys and men should be. This is not an illogical argument, but I don't think the violent images are the only factor. I was having problems at home and was looking for an escape. I thought that joining the service would give me an "out" to my--current problems--so I signed up for the National Guard (not wanting to make the full-time commitment to the regular Army). This, I'm afraid, constitutes the reasons many of my brothers and sisters have joined the ranks. My family dropped me of at the hotel on the eve of my departure to Fort Leonard Wood, Missouri. They were proud, happy, and sad at the same time. Military training is not really like they make it out to be on the TV commercials. It's extremely boring most of the time. The main catch phrase we often used between each other was, "Hurry up and wait," because that is what we seemed to be doing. Basically, for 90% of what we did we had to wait for ten or twenty other people to do it before and after us.
Thursday, October 24, 2019
What Are Social Problems? Essay
A social problem is a condition that at least some people in a community view as being undesirable. Social problems directly or indirectly affect a person or many members of a society and are considered to be problems, controversies related to moral values or both. A few examples of social problems include murder, drug abuse etc. A social issue (also called a social problem or a social situation) is an issue that relates to societyââ¬â¢s perception of a personââ¬â¢s personal life. Different cultures have different perceptions and what may be ââ¬Å"normalâ⬠behavior in one society may be a significant social issue in another society. Social issues are distinguished from economic issues. Some issues have both social and economic aspects, such as immigration. There are also issues that donââ¬â¢t fall into either category, such as wars. List of social issues Personal issues versus social issues Personal issues are those that individuals deal with themselves and within a small range of their peers and relationships.[1] On the other hand, social issues threaten values cherished by widespread society.[1] For example, the unemployment rate of 7.8 percent[2] in the U.S. as of October 2012 is a social issue. The line between a personal issue and a public issue may be subjective, however, when a large enough sector of society is affected by an issue, it becomes a social issue. Although one person fired is not a social issue, the repercussions of 13 million people being fired is likely to generate social issues. Caste system Caste system in India resulted in most oppressed Untouchables on earth for the past 3000 years. The United Kingdom recently banned the caste system [1] and the US is also planning to ban [2] the caste system. Economy Main article: Economic problem Unemployment rates vary by region, gender, educational attainment and ethnic group. In most countries, including the developed countries many people are poor and depend on welfare. In Germany in 2007 one in six children depended on welfare. That is up from only one in one seventy twelve yes in 1965.[3] economy is undefined nowadays.[4] Social disorganization Main article: Social disorganization theory So called problem neighbourhoods exist in many countries. Those neighbourhoods tend to have a high drop-out rate from secondary school and children growing up in a neighbourhood like this have a low probability of going to college compared to a person growing up in another neighbourhood. Abuse of alcohol and drugs is common. Often those neighbourhoods were founded out of best intentions.[5] Age and the life course Main article: Agism Throughout the life course there are social problems associated with different ages. One such social problem is age discrimination. An example of age discrimination is when a particular person is not allowed to do something or is treated differently based on age. Inequality Main article: Social inequality Inequality is ââ¬Å"the state or quality of being unequalâ⬠.[6] Inequality is the root of a number of social problems where things such as gender, race and age may affect the way a person is treated. A past example of inequality as a social problem is slavery in America. Africans brought to America were often enslaved and mistreated, and did not share the same rights as the white population of America (ex. voting). Education and public schools Main article: Educational inequality Education is arguably the most important skill in being a successful member of society, however there has not been an equal amount of distribution of funding to public schools.[7] The weak organizational policy in place and the lack of communication between public schools and the federal government has begun to have major affects on the future generation. Public schools that do not receive high standardized test scores are not being funded sufficiently to actually reach the maximum level of education their students should be receiving.[8] Work and occupations Social Problems in the workplace include theft, sexual harassment, wage inequality, gender inequality, racial inequality, health care disparities, and many more. Media Media or outlets that publicize information often socially construct social problems. Depending on who owns the media outlet often determines the types of social problems presented, how long they are air, how dramatic they should be, etc. The media is often based towards one end of the spectrum; i.e. media outlets have been accused of either being too conservative or too liberal. Health and medicine Main article: Public health Medication prescriptions have substantially risen in the past decade in our society. The question is whether these medications actually work or is it mind over matter. Studies have shown that placebos are almost as effective in helping with depression than antidepressants.[citation needed] Antidepressants are many of the pills that are being prescribed and make Americans even more addicted to medication because of the concept of taking the pills.[9] Advertising junk food to children The neutrality of this article is disputed. Relevant discussion may be found on the talk page. Please do not remove this message until the dispute is resolved. (April 2013) The food industry has been blamed by many for the increase in childhood obesity by targeting the child demographic in marketing. The food products marketed often are deemed unhealthy because of their high calorie, high fat, and high sugar contents.[10] In the advertisements the companyââ¬â¢s have adjusted their ads to make them look much better, e.g. bigger, fresher, cleaner, smarter and much more. It was a main problem of all the world Obesity Main article: Obesity Obesity is a prevalent social problem in todayââ¬â¢s society, with rates steadily increasing. According to the Weight Control Information Network, since the early 1960s, the prevalence of obesity among adults more than doubled, increasing from 13.4 to 35.7 percent in U.S. adults age 20 and older.[11] In addition, today two in three adults are considered overweight or obese, and one in six children aged 6ââ¬â19 are considered obese. Alcohol and drugs Drugs are at times the cause of social problems. Drugs such as cocaine and opiates offer very limited positive effects and are extremely addictive. Many users of such drugs will commit crimes in order to obtain their fix. Occasionally, drugs such as methamphetamine or encyclopedic will cause deviant and violent behavior, which would be classified as a social problem.[12] Drunk driving is on the rise and is the number two cause of accidental deaths, it is a cause of around 17,000 deaths each year. All but 9 states have adopted the Administrative License Revocation where if you are caught drinking and driving and found guilty you will lose your license for a full year. This is a step that is being taken in order to try to avoid the occurrence of this social problem.[13] Crime and the justice system The federal prison system has been unable to keep up with the steady increase of inmates over the past few years, causing major overcrowding. In the year 2012, the overcrowding level was 41 percent above ââ¬Å"rated capacityâ⬠and was the highest level since 2004.[14] The federal prison not only has overcrowding, but also has been the center of controversy in the U.S regarding the conditions in which the prisoners are treated. Environmental racism Main article: Environmental racism Environmental racism exists when a particular place or town is subject to problematic environmental practices due to the racial and class components of that space. In general, the place or town is representative of lower income and minority groups. Often, there is more pollution, factories, dumping, etc. that produce environmental hazards and health risks which are not seen in more affluent cities. Hate crimes Main article: Hate crime Hate crimes are a social problem in the United States because they directly marginalize and target specific groups of people or specific communities based on their identities. Hate crimes can be committed as the result of hate-motivated behavior, prejudice, and intolerance due to sexual orientation, gender expression, biological sex, ethnicity, race, religion, disability, or any other identity.[15] Hate crimes are a growing issue especially in school settings because of the young populations that exist. The majority of victims and perpetrators are teenagers and young adults, the population that exists within educational institutions. Hate crimes can result in physical or sexual assaults or harassment, verbal harassment, robbery, or even in death.[16] The lasting effects of hate crimes can result in mental illness and in disorders such as depression, suicidal thoughts and behaviors, etc. The issue is a social problem because it is widespread and affects many of our communities and the individuals within them who do not fit the norm. Valence issues versus position issues A valence issue is typically a social problem that is uniformly agreed upon.[17] These types of issues generally generate a widespread consensus and provoke little resistance from the public. An example of a valence issue would be incest or child abuse.[18] Unlike a valence issue, a position issue typically outlines a social problem in which the popular opinion among society is divided.[18] An example of a position issue is vegetarianism or veganism, due to the lack of widespread consensus from the public. Abortion Main article: Abortion Abortion is split between individuals who are either pro-choice or pro-life. Pro-choice people believe that abortion is a right. They believe that women have that right and shouldnââ¬â¢t be prevented from exercising that right by governments. Pro-life people believe that person-hood begins at conception and they believe that abortion is the wrongful killing of an innocent person.[19] Factors responsible for social problem: Social change Social change refers to an alteration in the social order of a society. Social change may include changes in nature, social institutions, social behaviours, or social relations. What Is the Meaning of Social Disorganization? Answer Social disorganization is the inability of community members to come together to achieve goals or solve problems. Social disorganization usually refers to urban areas. It also usually refers to the poor. What Is a Social Evil? Answer A social evil is an issue which directly or indirectly affects members of a society and is considered a point of controversy or a problem in regards to moral values. Common social evils include racism, prostitution, domestic violence, child abuse, rape, pornography and corruption.
Wednesday, October 23, 2019
Friendship and Love in the Little Prince
Friendship and love are essential topics in anyone?s lifesince through them we can feel complete and alive. In The Little Prince by Antoine de Saint-Exupery novel, elemental, but not always taken into account, aspects of life are highlighted from a deep point of view differentiating the perception an adult and a child can have from the same subject, being Friendship and love the prominent ones in my consideration. Firstly, Friendship is seen as the pure communion between an experienced man and an innocent child. The writer emphasizes the importance of a friend from the point of view of a child,this innocence is clearly opposed to the perception of an adult. Seen through the eyes of a child what is important are the perceptions, ideas and emotions that a child posses which makes friendship concrete and worthwhile. The Little prince points out that a friend is not valuable because of the material belongings someone has, but the qualities he or she posses. What makes a friend is the smile on her or his face, the sound of the voice and the desire to have or do something that makes somebody real. Alive and interesting. On the other hand, love is profoundly connected to friendship. In this case the superficial man becomes one with the imaginative child, being love the point in which they found each other and by means of which they would be one. The pilot finds in the sky a way of meting the Little Prince again, he says ââ¬Å"look at the sky. Ask yourselves: Is it yes or not? Has the sheep eaten the flower? And you will see how everything changesâ⬠. In these meaningful lines, love, fraternal love is conveyed; whenever they look at the stars they will be together again. The feelings about friendship are arm to arm with love. In conclusion, the opposition made between adulthood and chilhood, the Pilot and the little Prince emphasize the importance of sentimental values in life. Friendship and love come up over any other subject.
Tuesday, October 22, 2019
Healthcare Worker Shortage Leads Some Hospitals to Take Extra Steps
Healthcare Worker Shortage Leads Some Hospitals to Take Extra Steps There is currentlyà a shortage of U.S. health care personnel, andà it is only likely to get worse. According to a study by the U.S. Health Resources and Services Administration, within the next 10 or 15 years, 1 million nurses are expected to retire. Additionally,à the number of practicing physicians is expecting a shortfall of 55,000 by 2020. The aging population will have a large impact on the number of nurse jobs and other health-related positions sorely needed to keep facilities running.A large number of students require additional background coursework in order to take credited health care courses, which deters people from pursing health care careers. Often, these additionalà courses are in more difficult areas of study, such as mathematics or chemistry. Instead of tackling them, students are switching career paths.Alternatives to Community CollegeSome hospitals are offering in-house training programs to ensure that appropriate staffing will continue. In Michigan, one pr ogram allows employees to work while training to obtain medical assistant jobs. Upon completion, the employee will be licensed and credentialed, a bonus for the hospital employer and a practical way for an employee interested in the health care field to gain knowledge.Hospital StrategiesMany hospitals realize that happy employees are more likely to stay on the job and may work past retirement age. Some offer in-house training programs, and others offer tuition reimbursement as incentive to continue toward a degree or licensure.Because of the anticipation of a continued shortage, some hospitals have found that pairing an entry level employee with a seasoned à one helps keep the older employee up on the latest technologies in the field, while the younger employee has the benefit of the otherââ¬â¢s years of expertise.Hospital and Community College CooperationIn some areas, such as the San Francisco Bay area, hospitals have been working in conjunction with community colleges to off er training and additional support for nursing staff. By combining classes and residency experience at one time, trainees feel more confident, and the retention rate is higher.In addition, it gives the hospital the opportunity to train nursing students in needed positions, such as surgical assistants in the operating room. Other employees who are not taking nursing classes are offered tuition reimbursement, and the hospital continues to pay their salary while they attend school if the individual expresses an interest in furthering their career in health care.If you are looking for a job in health care, turning to TheJobNetwork makes your search simple. Sign up for free with this online platform and enter the type of job you want. The platform lets you specify criteria you are looking for in the job as well as letting you enter your qualifications and a resume. You can actively search for a job or let the platform do the search for you. Youââ¬â¢ll receive an email when jobs are fo und. All you have to do is apply.
Monday, October 21, 2019
The Monopoly game and its Innovation Essay Example
The Monopoly game and its Innovation Essay Example The Monopoly game and its Innovation Paper The Monopoly game and its Innovation Paper The monopoly game was invented as the Landlord game by Charles Darrow. It has many variations in the rules, elements, etc. Monopoly can teach you to sell the realty and to use money wisely. (Walsh 2004, p. 48) Recently, most manufacturers of the monopoly game have invented many its versions in which the property names as well as other game elements have been removed and other ones have been used in the same game. This method is considered to be an effective innovation strategy which could be used again and again. The monopoly game of the Hasbro Corporation is ââ¬Ëthe most popular board game in the modern worldââ¬â¢, the Corporation owners claim. ââ¬â ââ¬ËMore than 500 million people have played this game since its inventionââ¬â¢. ââ¬â¢ (Walsh 2004, p. 48) Moreover, the Hasbro Corporation has the experience of implementing different platforms in a game that also contributes to an effective innovation strategy. Innovation helps to refresh the game of monopoly. All game improvements and modifications are good. However, there are those ones which are much better than others. The Hasbro Corporation and other companies producing the monopoly game should keep in mind a simple rule: improve or lose in the modern competitive world. To my mind, it is necessary to make some changes in the property improvements. The world is changing dramatically and the monopoly game has to develop in order to fit the current realities too. 3. Conclusion. The coursework briefly analyzes the monopoly game and its innovation. The paper proves the effectiveness and necessity of innovation in refreshing the game of monopoly. References Walsh, T. (2004) ââ¬ËThe Playmakers: Amazing Origins of Timeless Toysââ¬â¢. Keys Publishing, Page 48.
Subscribe to:
Posts (Atom)